The precise definition of democracy promotion has been debated for more than twenty-five years. The multiplicity of terms used is a manifestation of the plurality of opinions and approaches by international actors, be they governments, NGOs or other third parties. For example, the term 'promotion' itself can be seen by some as too intrusive, or implying outside interference, whilst 'support' can be seen by some as more benign but, by others, as insufficiently assertive.
These days the differences tend to divide into two main camps: those who see it as a political process on one hand and those who see it as a developmental process on the other see international relations and development aid for context. Thomas Carothers , 'Democracy Assistance: Political vs.
Developmental', in Journal of Democracy vol. At least part of the problem lies in the absence of a consensus on what democracy constitutes. Indeed, the late Professor W.
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Gallie pointed to the impossibility of finding a firm solution to such a question, by including democracy in a list of ' essentially contested concepts '. Democracy promotion has two main patterns that depend on the type of democratization a state is dealing with: external intervention and as a solution to civil war , or supporting an internal push for reform. Democracy promotion advocates are divided on which pattern tends to be most successful for the resources that democracy promotion programs invest; they are similarly divided on which components and factors of the democratization process are most important to the success of democratic consolidation.
Civil wars cause a number of problems for democratization. Laura Armey and Robert McNab found that the longer a civil war lasts, and the more casualties it produces, the more hostile the warring factions become to each other; this hostility in turn makes stabilization along terms of peaceful competition, required in a democratic regime , more difficult. Problematically for democracy promotion, the same study found that quick, decisive victories for one faction—even an ostensibly pro-democratic rebellion—similarly discourage peaceful, electoral competition for control of a government after the conflict is over.
External interventions see different levels of democratization success depending on the type of intervener, type of intervention, and level of elite cooperation prior to the intervention. The level of neutrality and geopolitical disinterest the intervener possesses is important, as is the severity of the intervention's infringement on sovereignty.
The differences can be highlighted with three examples: a neutral, mostly unobtrusive monitor missions like UN election observers in Nicaragua in ; the multilateral NATO IFOR mission in Yugoslavia to enforce UN Security Council Resolution in ; and the unilateral , destabilizing intervention represented by the American invasion of Iraq in All three missions aimed on some level to promote democracy, with varying degrees of success. Michael Doyle and Nicholas Sambanis have found that the peacekeeping missions most successful at producing fledgling democracies have strong mandates backing them up, but tend not to revolve around military enforcement.
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Successful democratizing interventions consist of monitoring factions' adherence to their negotiated settlement , while the most successful ones include extensive state-building such as improving government efficiency and professionalism , or classical infrastructure assistance. Interventions that fail to expend resources on state-building can sometimes be counter-productive to democracy promotion because, as McBride, Milante, and Skaperdas have proposed, a negotiated settlement to a civil war is based on individual factions' faith in the state's unbiased distribution of the benefits of stability ; an external intervention shakes that faith by implying that such faith was misplaced to begin with.
Another school of thought on how democratization most successfully occurs involves an authoritarian regime transitioning to a democratic one as a result of gradual reforms over time. The basic mechanism for this is a four-player game theoretical set-up in which moderate regime and opposition figures form a pro-democratic reform coalition to sideline their respective hardliners, whom they fear threaten the state's stability.
The regime must not be sultanistic based entirely around one central ruler's desires in order that different members retain some degree of autonomy and have different interests; meanwhile, in the public sphere , there must be a strong civil society that can both maintain pressure on the authoritarian regime while also providing support for the reform pact and the moderates who formulated it.
Even beyond the question of what and whether external intervention is an effective democracy support strategy, a number of issues continue to divide the proponents of a democracy support-based international policy. Carles Boix and Susan Stokes advocate economic development aid, contending that the more advanced an economy, the less willing factions will be to break the peace; others, however, contend that this strategy is only useful at defending democratic consolidation, and not at encouraging democratization of regimes where one faction already dominates. It is also worth noting that not all CSOs will be helpful in promoting democracy—if the organization is too large to inspire its members, or its constituents' identity is too narrowly defined, the organization will fail to support four-player democratic transition pacts, and may even encourage divisiveness and civil war.
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Foreign policy seeking to spread democratic rule. This basic division between the political and developmental approaches has existed inchoately in the field of democracy support for many years. It has come into sharper relief during this decade, as democracy-aid providers face a world increasingly populated by countries not conforming to clear or coherent political transitional paths.
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Some adherents of the political approach, meanwhile, fault the developmental approach for being too vague and unassertive in a world where many leaders have learned to play a reform game with the international community, absorbing significant amounts of external political aid while avoiding genuine democratization. Will this fuel a revitalized sovereignty-first agenda at the United Nations?
The objectives of the module are to give students a grounding in the history and practice of human rights and to allow them to develop and write a piece of research work on an issue or case study of their choice within international human rights politics. To do this, the students will, in consultation, develop an understanding of key puzzles in the field, develop a basic research design based on a case study to address them, and write this study up in the form of a word assessed research paper.
This will prepare them well for undertaking further research work in this area.
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This is then complemented by a participation grade that incentivises students to do the required reading and participate in class. These combined mechanisms will enable students to revise and test their knowledge and apply it in formulating their research topic, question and plan before submission. All of this will be done in consultation with the convenor. Important notice regarding changes to programmes and modules. Suggested reading Show Required reading list.
Who Governs the Globe? Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, Barnett, Michael and Martha Finnemore. Bauman, Zygmunt.
Modernity and the Holocaust Cambridge: Polity, Bob, Clifford. Borgwardt, Elizabeth. Brysk, Alison. Busby, Joshua W. Chouliaraki, Lilie.
International Politics Of Human Rights | 15PPOH | SOAS University of London
The Spectatorship of Suffering London: Sage, Cmiel, Kenneth. Donini, Antonio ed. Douglas, Lawrence. Douzinas, Costas. Fassin, Didier and Richard Rechtman.
Golder, Ben. Guilhot, Nicolas.
Hafner-Burton, Emilie. Hoffmann, Stefan-Ludwig. Hopgood, Stephen. Hunt, Lynn. Keck, Margaret and Kathryn Sikkink.